Up Against the Beast
High-level Drug Running
Part 2 of 2
A number of whistleblowers are suing the CIA and other US Government officials to expose their complicity in drug-trafficking operations and cover-ups.
Extracted from Nexus Magazine, Volume 7,
#3 (April-May 2000).
by Uri Dowbenko © 1999
IV. CIA/DoJ COLLUSION IN DRUG TRAFFICKING/COVER-UP
Class Action Lawsuit Alleges Federal Statute Violations
Despite documented evidence by government whistleblowers, the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the Department of Justice (DoJ) have never been held accountable for their collusion in and/or acquiescence to drug trafficking. On March 15, 1999, however, class action lawsuits were filed by attorneys Katya Komisaruk, William M. Simpich and Kenneth Frucht on behalf of Rosemary Lyons and Olivia Woods in northern California and Donna J. Warren and Berlina M. Doss in southern California (Case No. 99-02603).
The suit names the Central Intelligence Agency, the United States Department of Justice, Estate of William Casey, Robert Gates, John Deutch, George Tenet, Estate of William French Smith, Edwin Meese, Richard Thornburgh, Janet Reno and others as Defendants, alleging that these US Government agencies and employees were responsible for the 1980s crack cocaine epidemic and the resulting social and economic devastation of inner city communities.
According to the Statement of Facts: "On March 16, 1998, CIA Inspector-General Frederick Hitz appeared before the House Intelligence Committee to report on his investigation of the CIA, the Contras and crack cocaine. Hitz testified that, beginning in 1982, the CIA entered into an undisclosed agreement with the Department of Justice, allowing CIA officers to refrain from reporting drug trafficking by its 'agents, assets and non-staff employees'. Hitz admitted that 'there are instances where the CIA did not, in an expeditious or consistent fashion, cut off relationships with individuals supporting the Contra program, who were alleged to have engaged in drug trafficking activity, or take action to resolve the allegation'.
"When asked by Congressman Norman Dicks of Washington, 'Did any of these allegations involve trafficking in the United States?', Hitz's answer was 'Yes'. Hitz acknowledged that the CIA knew of drug trafficking allegations 'regarding dozens of individuals and a number of companies connected in some fashion to the Contra program or the Contra movement'.
"Hitz recounts in Volume II of the Inspector-General's Report dated 10/9/98 that through the secret agreement, the CIA and DoJ attempted to exempt the CIA from reporting about the drug trafficking of persons employed by, assigned to, or acting for an agency within the intelligence community."
Since the CIA itself admitted to having knowledge of its own "assets" being involved in illegal activities, the argument seems to be indisputable.
"Plaintiff claims that the CIA/DoJ agreement violated a federal statute, 28 USC §535," the lawsuit alleges, "which imposes a duty on every department and agency in the Executive Branch to report promptly to the Attorney General any information, allegations or complaints relating to possible violations of [criminal law] by officers and employees of the government."
In other words, if federal agency employees are aware of violations, these must also be reported. There is another category of criminal code violation called "misprision of felony", which refers to the offence of concealing knowledge of a felony by one who has not participated in it. CIA officials could be charged with this as well.
"The private CIA/DoJ agreement attempted to get around this federal law by redefining the term 'employee' to mean only full-time career officials - as opposed to persons 'employed by, assigned to, or acting for an agency within the intelligence community'. In addition, the secret agreement violated Executive Order 12333 issued in 1981, which required the reporting of drug crimes."
The suit also states that the 1989 Kerry Report ("Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy") made specific findings that "drug trafficking had pervaded the entire Contra war effort, that 'one or another agency of the US Government had information regarding the involvement either while it was occurring or immediately after' and that 'senior policy makers were not immune to the idea that drug money was a perfect solution to the Contras' funding problems'".
A Little History, Please
"In the opening phase of the crack cocaine epidemic, between 1982 and 1986, CIA officers and other intelligence agencies received reports regarding Bay Area cocaine importers Norman Meneses and Danilo Blandon," the class action lawsuit alleges.
"Both of these men were among the primary importers in the United States and dominated the market on the West Coast. Because of the secret CIA/DoJ agreement which purported to exempt the CIA from having to report drug crimes, cocaine suppliers connected with the Contras or other US covert operations were able to import their 'unregulated product' under the cloak of national security.
"Meneses and Blandon funneled vast quantities of cocaine, at a price far lower than other suppliers, to 'Freeway Rick' Ross, who proceeded to flood south-central Los Angeles with a new, low-cost product dubbed 'crack'. By 1984, Ross was selling 150 kilograms of cocaine every week, enough to put 3,000,000 doses of crack on LA's streets every seven days.
"The crack cocaine epidemic enveloped Los Angeles between 1982 and 1986. Government documents show that the CIA and DoJ knew or should have known of the massive importations by Meneses, Blandon and other cocaine supplying operations," the lawsuit continues.
"Common sense and a review of the news coverage for that period indicate that these agencies knew or should have known that their ongoing policy of deliberate silence allowed the crack epidemic to rage unchecked. The CIA turned its back while shipment after shipment of this new, intensely addictive form of cocaine was delivered to one of Ross's five cookhouses and then put up for sale throughout south-central Los Angeles and Compton. The result was the death of men, women and children, the collapse of businesses and the destruction of whole neighborhoods.
"Once the initial southern California market was glutted, crack moved north. Mid-level dealers diverted the flow to other African-American communities in California, such as East Palo Alto, San Francisco, Oakland and Richmond. The consequences to these communities, in terms of loss of life, family structure and economic power, continue to this day."
The lawsuit categorised two classes of plaintiffs: (a) inner city residents of northern and southern California (Alameda, Contra Costa, San Francisco, San Mateo counties), "largely African-American, who experienced particular economic, physical and/or emotional injuries arising from the neighborhoods hardest hit by the crack cocaine epidemic, such as addictions to crack, death or absence of loved ones due to drug-related crimes, reduction of income and increase in the number of dependents", and (b) "residents of the metropolitan areas of the counties listed above who experienced injuries suffered by the community as a whole, such as lack of safety, overburdened social services, loss of local businesses and damage to the tax base".
CIA/DoJ Liable for Crack Epidemic
According to the lawsuit's Theory of Causation, "the signatories of the CIA/DoJ secret agreement - Attorney General William French Smith and CIA Director William Casey - and their successors, agencies and agents are legally liable for the pipeline of crack cocaine which inundated California urban centers from 1982 to 1986, and for the after-effects which continue to the present day".
"Smith, Casey, their successors and their agents knew or should have known that failing to report drug crimes would interfere with law enforcement agencies' efforts to halt the importations of cocaine," the lawsuit continues, "and that this would ultimately result in a 'crack epidemic' involving addiction, death, increased crime, higher taxes, exhaustion of social services and destruction of businesses. The outcome followed the well-known pattern of opium in China and heroin in the United States which similarly devastated low-income urban communities."
"The proof of the harm which ensued is based on official statistical evidence from city and county budgets, public health departments, hospitals, police departments, courts and jails. In addition, individual plaintiffs and witnesses will testify concerning the injuries they sustained due to the crack epidemic."
This class action suit against the CIA demands a jury trial and no specific dollar amount for damages, but certainly "money to rebuild the community and to fund drug treatment".
"To a large degree, we tried to take it [the lawsuit] verbatim from government docs," said one of the lead attorneys, Bill Simpich of Oakland, California, in a recent telephone interview.
"We're trying to use this case as a floor," he continued, "so we can start with this very stark premise: the CIA had a written agreement with the DoJ, starting in 1982, that they did not have to report drug trafficking. The critical issue here is the admission that they had a written policy not to report, and then 'let the chips fall where they may'. They can offer any explanation they want - and none of them are good."
V. UNITED STATES MILITARY/CIA DRUG TRAFFICKING:
Green Berets, Drug-Running Gofers
According to the Tyree lawsuit [see Part 1], Colonel Carone told Tyree: "I've worked with Green Berets (Special Forces) all over the world... Most of the guys trained Contras, in violation of the Boland Amendment, at Special Forces 'A Camps' built on the border of Nicaragua and Honduras during the big buildup in the early 1980s. Hell, I saw the camps myself. A lot of the Green Berets from 7th SFG (A) were involved in the cocaine shipments that were brought into the 'A Camps' from Panama. These 'A Camps' were isolated. They were cut right out of the jungle in many cases, with good runways.
"A lot of the Green Berets in Thailand, for example, helped with the drug flow," Carone continued. "These Green Berets knew that the deal was simple. Without drug profits, there were no Contras to train, as there was no equipment to train them with, as Congress cut off the funding.
"Without real-world situations, every one of those Green Berets knew that they would be sitting somewhere, going through some boring routine with training. Many of them were either involved with drug shipments out of Latin America into the United States or simply looked the other way. And you know, the Green Berets out in the middle of nowhere won't tell on each other, as they have to depend on their team mates to survive."
George Bush, CIA and the JFK Hit
In another revelation which informs recent American history, CIA operative Al Carone said that "George Bush was CIA prior to the assassination of John Kennedy in 1963" and that "the Governor of Arkansas that looked the other way at Mena [CIA's cocaine trans-shipping station], Bill Clinton, was CIA back in the late '60s". CIA agent Cord Meyer has often been named as Bill Clinton's handler, while the late Pamela Harriman has been cited as the "power behind the throne".
Carone also told Tyree that he "had taken money to a female named Ruth Paine in late 1956 on orders from William Casey [an OSS - CIA operative who was CIA Director from 1981 to 1987]".
According to the Tyree lawsuit, "Carone said that Paine was approached by the CIA to find and recruit an individual that was expendable, with communist ties and some type of anti-American background...
"Carone said that when Ruth Paine found the individual, she notified her CIA contact, identified as George de Mohrenschildt, who in turn contacted his CIA supervisor, identified as George Bush. Carone said that George Bush was the same George Bush that was CIA Director. Carone said the individual located by Ruth Paine was identified as a Mr Lee Harvey Oswald.
"FBI records/reports within 14 days after the assassination of President Kennedy will reflect that Mr George Bush met with J. Edgar Hoover, as Bush was trying to ascertain what the FBI might have stumbled onto by mistake in regards to the Ruth Paine - Oswald connection."
CIA's Global Money Laundry: Stephens, Riady & BCCI
In his sworn testimony, Al Carone told Bill Tyree that he "was a paymaster for both US military intelligence personnel and CIA personnel when Tyree knew and worked with him".
"He [Carone] also worked as a representative of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) which he stated was a bank founded by the US intelligence community in part to finance covert (black) operations worldwide without the approval of the US Congress. He was authorised to withdraw funds from First American Bankshares (aka BCCI) account #2843900, which he stated was a black operation fund unknown to the US Congress at the time."
Moreover, Carone said that he was "the middleman between certain CIA factions and certain Mafia families that operated illegal enterprises in New York City".
"Carone told the Plaintiff [Tyree] that the CIA used BCCI, BNL, BCP and Intermaritime Bank to launder money for black operations worldwide and for the Mafia in New York City."
According to Tyree's lawsuit: "Colonel Carone said the military drug trafficking Operation Watchtower fitted in the picture in the following fashion. Between 1971 - 72, BCCI was conceived and born primarily as a bank for the US intelligence community to go around Congress in funding so-called 'black operations'...
"In December 1975, February-March 1976, Operation Watchtower took place that brought over 100 military-style cargo plane loads of cocaine out of Colombia into Albrook Air Station in Panama.
"In 1976, Arkansas businessman Jackson Stephens and Indonesian businessman Mochtar Riady formed Stephens Financial Ltd in Hong Kong, which led to a meeting of Stephens and Riady with members of the BCCI.
"In 1977, Jackson Stephens invited BCCI into America and helped BCCI bring about the purchase of First American Bankshares, operated by Clark Clifford and Robert Altman."
How do these facts connect? Jack Stephens has been a financial backer of both the George Bush campaign and the Bill Clinton campaign for US President. The long and winding road of corruption also led Stephens to purchase Alltel, whose subsidiary, Systematics, used a version of the oft-purloined PROMIS software.
According to Tyree's lawsuit: "Jackson Stephens and Mochtar Riady were in business together and paid off politicians from Arkansas to look the other way and ignore the CIA cocaine operation at Mena, Arkansas. The Lippo Group, i.e., Mochtar Riady, had been involved with Bill Clinton since Clinton was Governor in Arkansas.
"'Stephens, Riady and the CIA are in bed together,' said Carone. 'They own a lot of people. They have a lot of money. They get things done. I answer to Stephens indirectly. I answer to his money is who I answer to, and so does everyone else at the CIA that wants to get things done where Stephens has influence.'"
Just as Special Prosecutor Lawrence Walsh effectively covered up the "high crimes and misdemeanours" of George Bush in the so-called "Iran-Contra Report", so did Kenneth Starr continue the cover-up of CIA drug trafficking with the Clinton/Lewinsky sexcapades and the Clinton impeachment.
FBI Agent Richard Taus Framed
When Long Island, New York - based FBI Special Agent Richard M. Taus, a decorated Vietnam veteran, got too close to CIA drug running, he was framed. Imprisoned at the ironically named Clinton Correctional Facility in Dannemora, New York, Taus is currently seeking an attorney to appeal his sentence.
How does it all tie in? Carone told Tyree that "you need to find out and uncover the business that involved Ollie North and George Bush, called 'The Enterprise', as everything went through there".
According to Tyree's lawsuit: "Vincent Foster, a good friend of Governor Bill Clinton, often shuttled vast sums of money around the world that related completely to 'The Enterprise' formed by Ollie North and George Bush."
The Enterprise was also called "K-Team". Taus says that since his trial he has tried to "obtain records and files from the FBI" concerning himself, especially about his investigation into K-Team's involvement in the Iran-Contra arms initiative.
"Finally in 1995, the Bureau acknowledged possessing 2,400 pages that mentioned the Irangate affair and my name," Taus says, "but I have never received them or any records on me - records that were used by the prosecution in my case, against me, yet never shared with the defense."
According to Taus: "It was my initial investigation into the organized crime case which evolved into the Pizza Connection case that identified CIA involvement. And CIA's ugly head reared itself in many other FBI probes.
"I was convicted in January 1991, after a most unfair and outrageous county trial," writes Taus. "A CPL 330 motion was filed, based upon a juror's undisclosed blood relationship to the District Attorney in Nassau, New York, and interview of jurors during the trial by investigating police officers as well as improper instructions to the jury by court officers, etc. The trial record shows judicial prejudice, prosecutorial misconduct, fraud, duress, misrepresentation, Rosario and Brady violations as well as numerous violations of my constitutional rights.
"I am seeking an aggressive and dynamic appellate attorney to handle my direct appeal in the 2nd Appellate Division, Brooklyn, New York," writes Taus, adding: "...both my military and FBI records are impeccable. Given my former law enforcement background, I have done the legal research. There are only limited funds available for the appeal." (Write to: Richard Taus, 91A1040, LH, Clinton C.F., POB 2001, Dannemora, NY 12929, USA.)
CIA Coke: The Real Thing
The Big Media Cartel continues the cover-up of the CIA's criminal activities, despite documented and cross-corroborated evidence detailed in books by whistleblowers Rodney Stich (Defrauding America), Michael Levine (The Great White Lie), Gary Webb (Dark Alliance), Celerino Castillo (Powderburns) and others.
In a book called Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA (SPI Books, 1994), authors Terry Reed (a former CIA operative) and John Cummings corroborate the Carone story in Tyree's lawsuit - a dirty and tangled web of drug- and gun-smuggling and money laundering in Arkansas during the late 1980s.
"The meeting had been called at Fort Robinson, an army facility outside Little Rock, to get some problems ironed out," write Reed and Cummings (p. 234). "In addition to the governor [Bill Clinton] and his aide, the guest list included Max Gomez [Felix Rodriguez], John Cathey [Oliver North], resident CIA agent Akihide Sawahata, Agency subcontractor Terry Reed, and the man in charge, the one who would call the shots. He called himself Robert Johnson [he was CIA agent William Barr, later appointed US Attorney General by George Bush]. A lot of loose ends were to be tied up...
"'Our deal was for you to have 10% of the profits, not 10% of the gross,' Johnson sternly admonished Clinton. 'This has turned into a feeding frenzy for your good ole boy sharks. We know what's been going on. Our people are professionals. They're not stupid. They didn't fall off the turnip truck yesterday, as you guys say. This ADFA [Arkansas Development Finance Authority] of yours is double-dipping. Our deal with you was to launder our money. You get 10% after costs and after post-tax profits. No one agreed for you to start loaning our money out to your friends through your ADFA so that they could buy machinery to build our guns. That wasn't the deal... That's why we're pulling the operation out of Arkansas. It's become a liability for us. We don't need "live" liabilities.'"
The long list of Clinton/Bush-related casualties is proof that "live" liabilities are definitely not on the CIA balance sheet.
Army Colonel Al Carone himself died on January 7, 1990, in Albuquerque, New Mexico. His medical records state chemical toxicity of unknown etiology.
Was it CIA cancer? Or is it...CIA, the cancer?
VI. DEAD SPOOKS DON'T LIE:
Former DCI William Casey's Affidavit
In the ongoing cover-up of the Bill Tyree frame, Ray Kohlman, Tyree's attorney, received a document titled "Declaration of William Casey". In Kohlman's own affidavit, dated August 27, 1999, he states that "most the the contents of this affidavit can be proven" and that he "will testify to the contents of this affidavit in court".
Kohlman then filed the document in US District Court for the District of Columbia on November 8, 1999, as Civil Action No. 99cv2709, William M Tyree, Plaintiff v. Department of the US Army, Defendant. Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly entered a Sealing Order for the Casey document, marked "Top Secret". In a letter to this author, Tyree pointedly asks, "Why seal it - if it isn't authentic?"
Please note the heavy irony and the specious reasoning of this dead member of the so-called Greatest Generation, whose defence of his own criminality contains powerful insights into the aberrant psychology of the Ruling Class. The "end justifies the means" philosophy of the late, former CIA Director William Casey also belies his Jesuitical training and programming.
The following affidavit - Casey's rationalisation of his heinous behaviour and his cocaine trafficking, which he frames as a noble battle against the enemies of Western Civilisation - should be required reading for every student of 20th century history, and every student of psychopathology. Casey's apologia pro vita sua is the classic defence of a world-class criminal.
I, William J. Casey, declare: I have found that freedom is a priceless commodity that demands constant vigilance to guaranteed [sic] its longevity.
I was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) in London, England, during World War II. During that time I befriended a young German soldier named Gunther [Russbacher, who later became one of the key covert operatives of the CIA-US secret criminal government]. I used Gunther and several other anti-Nazi German prisoners of war in OSS operations within Nazi Germany.
I knew this violated Geneva (War) Convention. I did not care. The Geneva Convention was but a set of rules governing man's atrocities committed in the name of political ideology. To wage war with rules is to prolong human suffering. Open warfare is the last resort of a civilized nation and must be used sparingly. Wars must be fought savagely utilizing all tools and tricks at hand. Gunther was a tool. Ignoring the Geneva Convention was the trick.
After I became Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) on January 28, 1981, I was approached and briefed by William Colby, former DCI. My history with Bill Colby is known. Colby notified me off the record of two operations he was still running in Latin America. Both operations were without the knowledge and consent of the United States Congress, President Ronald Reagan or even the United States intelligence apparatus. Colby identified the operations as "A-6" (RED MIST) and "A-7" (PROJECT SANDMAN). A-7 entailed smaller operations.
Retired US Army Colonel William Wilson, a former Military Intelligence (MI) officer who worked with the Office of the US Army Inspector General (IG) - and who, like the late US Army criminal investigator William McCoy, also died under mysterious circumstances (in November 1996) - completed an exhaustive investigation of the Bill Tyree case, verifying the facts in the Cutolo document.
According to Wilson's affidavit, he writes that "...in the affidavit of June 6, 1996, at paragraph fifty five, I stated Mr Tyree had been decorated in relation to the classified operations he participated in. Following the participation of Mr Tyree in the WATCHTOWER operation, he was called upon to serve his country in a variety of classified operations in Latin America, Africa and Pakistan. Our investigation found that these subsequent operations came under the general project referred to as SANDMAN. SANDMAN was a project of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). SANDMAN also involved soldiers of the United States military. The information about SANDMAN is limited. SANDMAN exclusively dealt with the so-called 'wet operations' (i.e., assassinations) and Mr Tyree was involved in several assassinations that were verified by Special Forces soldiers we interviewed. This resulted in Mr Tyree receiving a variety of decorations which the US Army refuses to admit were ever awarded to Mr Tyree."
Wilson also stated: "...ironically, during conversations I had with Mr Colby, I learned that he had personally requested and attained a waiver be given to soldiers involved in WATCHTOWER and SANDMAN. One of those soldiers was Mr Tyree. The waiver allowed Mr Tyree to receive the decorations and Combat Infantry Badge (CIB) that Mr Tyree was recommended for. The same decorations and CIB that had to be sterilized from the records of Mr Tyree. From my involvement in the CIA Program MK-ULTRA (Manufacturing Killers Utilizing Lethal Tradecraft Requiring Assassination), I was aware that waivers could be given in regards to meritorious action during the course of intelligence-related operations." (Page 4 of Wilson affidavit)
The Casey affidavit continues:
I was told that A-6 identified individuals and the build-up of the communist threat in Latin America. Some intelligence collected in A-6 was used in TASK FORCE-157.
I was told that A-7 was "the Phoenix Program" of Latin America. It involved the assassination of the communist infrastructure throughout Latin America.
I was told that Colby authorized assets's [sic] involved in A-6 and A-7 to engage in narcotic's [sic] trafficking to finance both operation's [sic]. Colby engaged in similar operations's [sic] that I know of in Vietnam for the same reason.
Colby candidly informed me that he had prepositioned more than one million pounds of cocaine in Panama between December 1, 1975 and April 1, 1976. This was done with the aid of our gallant ally, General Manuel Noriega. The cocaine was transported into El Salvador, Costa Rica and Honduras between 1976 and 1981. Colby now sat in front of me with hat in hand and requested my help in the delivery of the cocaine to the american [sic] market.
I was told that Colby was using a mutual friend of ours, Colonel Albert Vincent Carone, United States Army, Military Intelligence, to field A-6 and A-7. Al Carone is a charismatic patriot that General Joseph W. Stilwell introduced us to in late 1945. Beside the usual qualifications, Al Carone brought to the anti-communist effort a direct connection to his longtime friend, Vito Genovese. Genovese was the head of the gambling and narcotics for the controlling mafia family in New York to [sic] which Al Carone was made a member. Carone is a friend of international fugitive Robert Vesco. Carone has several anti-communist intelligence sources that include Maurita Lorenz, a friend of Fidel Castro. Al Carone is the younger brother of Dr Pasquale Carone. Dr Carone worked for Central Intelligence on other matters.
Colby told me that profits from the prepositioned cocaine would be laundered through Al Carone, the New York mafia and Robert Vesco, then redirected to the anti-communist effort through Colby.
After discussion with Al Carone, I made the decision to bring the prepositioned cocaine into Mena airport, Mena, Arkansas. Central Intelligence has used Mena Airport on prior occasions. This time the cocaine is the tool. The trick was to ignore the law and avoid public scrutiny. We were helped in our efforts by William J. Clinton and William F. Weld.
By 1984 all prepositioned cocaine had arrived at Mena airport and additional cocaine sources were secured. Cocaine was being transshipped through Hangar[s] Four and Five at Ilopango Airbase, El Salvador. My point man at Mena was Adler Berriman Seal (Berry [sic] Seal).
Bill Clinton has proved invaluable so far by containing the local law enforcement investigations into the intelligence activity at Mena. Bill Weld, as Assistant United States Attorney, was placed in charge of the Criminal Division of the Department of Justice. This was done so that Bill Weld could control investigations into Mena by federal law enforcement agencies. The placement of Weld has proved invaluable.
I ordered John Poindexter, Robert McFarlane and Oliver North to go outside normal channel's [sic] and use available assets, including the mafia, to ensure the arrival of the cocaine into Mena Airport. The arrival's [sic] occurred in no small part through the effort's [sic] [of] personnel assigned to the National Security Agency (NSA) and Army Security Agency (ASA). The men and women of the NSA and ASA blinded early warning defense satellites and radar grid to enable the aircraft to land undetected at Mena Airport. The NSA and ASA operation's [sic] were SEA SPRAY and JADE BRIDGE.
I have learned that the course of the democratic struggle for Nicaragua and Latin America is beginning to swing in our direction. I attribute this success to A-6 and A-7 which Bill Colby had the insight, precision and spine to carry out.
I take notice of the heroic efforts of Al Carone, Bill Clinton, Bill Weld, John Poindexter, Bud McFarlane and Ollie North. Without these men, A-6 and A-7 would not have appeared.
Freedom is a priceless commodity. The amount of freedom you enjoy is a result of the amount of vigilance you invest.
My actions may be recorded as criminal, condemning countless american's [sic] to drug dependency. I don't care. All wars produce casualties. Generally the more violent the war, the shorter the length. My choice was either to stare down a protracted cold war guerilla insurgency in Latin America or use the means' [sic] available to finance and wage a violent war of short duration for democracy. I stand by my decisions. The tool is cocaine. The trick is to understand that the drug user had the freedom to make a choice. They chose the drug. I chose to use their habit to finance the democracy that all american's [sic] enjoy. To keep those american's [sic] safe from the communist threat knocking on our back door in Latin America. For a change the drug user will contribute to society.
I declare under penalty of perjury that the above facts are true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief.
Executed this 9th day of December 1986 in McLean, Virginia, [signed] William J. Casey
In the meantime, former Green Beret Bill Tyree is doing time for the dead spook's crime.
(Letters to Tyree, one of America's many political prisoners, can be sent to: William M. Tyree, PO Box-100, S. Walpole, MA 02071, USA.)
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